What Mitsuo Fuchida Invented About Midway That America Taught for Fifty Years

What Mitsuo Fuchida Invented About Midway That America Taught for Fifty Years

In 1948, a classified study completed at the Naval War College in Newport reconstructed the Battle of Midway hour by hour from track charts and plotting sheets, acknowledging that complete information, especially on the enemy, was not available. That document quietly became the foundation for the two books most Americans would ever read about the battle. Yet the scene that came to define the battle in the American memory did not come from that study — it came from Annapolis seven years later, in a 1955 book called *Midway: The Battle That Did Not End Japan*, written by two Japanese naval officers. Mitsuo Fuchida, who led the first wave over Pearl Harbor and watched the battle from the bridge of the flagship Akagi, described aircraft lined up along the flight deck, the launch order given, engines turning, and a warning screamed about American bombers falling out of the sun.

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The scene implied the Japanese were only minutes from launching when the attack arrived — a near miss rather than a catastrophic defeat. For Japanese readers in 1951, it turned a catastrophe into a coin toss. Four years later, for American readers, it turned the victory into a gift handed over at the last possible instant. The paperwork tells another story.

Japanese carrier flight operations were fundamentally different from American ones. Engines could never be started in sealed hangers, so aircraft had to be lifted to the flight deck before any launch. The warm-up alone took about 15 minutes, and a full strike required roughly 40 minutes on deck before the first plane moved. Japan’s own official war history, published in 1971, gives the figure as no less than 40 minutes.

Nagumo needed an unbroken three-quarters of an hour on all four flight decks at once to strike the American carriers. The morning of June 4 gave him no such window. From first light, the Japanese carriers were under near-continuous attack. Torpedo planes were shot down, Army bombers came in high, Marine dive bombers pressed their runs.

Then the carrier squadrons arrived in uncoordinated waves. Torpedo Squadron Eight from Hornet was annihilated — 15 aircraft down, one man of 30 surviving. Torpedo Squadron Six lost nine of fourteen. None of the torpedoes hit anything.

The accounting after the battle recorded no damage to any Japanese ship all morning. But Akagi’s own flight log for that morning reads as one continuous emergency. Fighters were launched and recovered repeatedly — at 4:45, 5:43, 6:55, 7:10, 7:20, and on through the morning. The Midway strike force returned just before 9 and had to be brought aboard.

The deck was continuously committed to launching and recovering fighters, not to preparing a strike. At 10:00, the deck aft was empty, clear for landings. Fifteen minutes later, the ship was burning. Fifteen minutes cannot lift twenty-one aircraft, spot them, brief the crews, and warm the engines — Akagi and Kaga, in particular, carried older and slower lifts, and Kaga had the largest torpedo squadron to bring up.

Japan’s official history says plainly that at the moment of the American attack, every carrier had its strike aircraft still below in the hangars, with only standing patrol fighters on deck and a few more going up from Soryu. That has been in print in Japan since 1971. Corroboration also came from American photographs taken that morning by Army heavy bombers, which show Soryu, Hiryu, and Akagi with no strike aircraft on deck at all. One dive bomber gunner named Steinman photographed the attack, but the film was taken away by a senior officer and never seen again.

Richard Best, who led the dive bombers down onto Akagi and lived, said decades later that the aircraft on that deck were Zeros, six or seven of them, taking up most of the deck, and that one was actually taking off as he attacked. His description and the flight log agree with each other, and both disagree with the book. The Office of Naval Intelligence had already published the full translation of Admiral Nagumo’s own action report in June 1947, on the fifth anniversary of the battle. It described torpedo aircraft being readied, with one division reporting readiness for 10:00 and another for between 10 and 11.

The induced explosions aboard Akagi came from torpedoes stored in her hangars, the report said, and Nagumo himself summarized that his force had gone into the battle with meager training and without knowing the enemy. The document sold for thirty cents through the government printing office eight years before Fuchida’s book reached American readers. The book beat it anyway and kept beating it for fifty years. The circumstances of Fuchida’s account are not entirely clear.

He was a proud man writing in the wreckage of a lost war with audiences willing to hear him. But the operational records point elsewhere. If the Japanese were never five minutes from launching, something was stopping them — and that something was American. For four hours that morning, American aircraft arrived in a loose, uncoordinated, almost continuous stream.

Nine different groups in five distinct attacks flew obsolete planes with torpedoes that did not work. They achieved nothing in the official accounting, but they held four flight decks hostage all morning. Japanese fighters carried only sixty rounds per cannon and shot themselves dry within minutes, forcing them to land, rearm, and go back up. That required a clear deck and kept the strike below.

Mark Horan’s reconstruction of Japanese fighter operations found that American squadron losses tracked with whether the Zeros they faced had just reloaded — the men who died in the third attack were paying for ammunition the first two attacks had emptied. The torpedo squadrons failed to hit anything, and that failure is what made the hit possible. The cost was tremendous: fifteen aircraft from Hornet with one survivor, nine from Enterprise, all but two of Yorktown’s. Hiryu was not touched in the attack and had three burning sisters in plain sight.

Rear Admiral Tamon Yamaguchi wasted nothing, yet her first counterstrike left the deck at 10:58 — 32 minutes after the rest of the force had been destroyed, with no American aircraft to interrupt her.