(1922, West Virginia) The Most Disturbing Asylum History Ever Buried — They Were Feeding Something..

(1922, West Virginia) The Most Disturbing Asylum History Ever Buried — They Were Feeding Something..

A 37-year construction process in West Virginia was not slowed by complexity or slow labor, but by the materials themselves. Hand-cut blue sandstone was extracted from mountains and transported by men who, according to recorded accounts, were described as terrified of what they were asked to build. The Trans-Allegheny Lunatic Asylum was completed in 1881 and stands as the second-largest hand-cut stone building in the world, trailing only the Kremlin in Moscow. Two structures on different continents, built with the same material, similar proportions, unusual internal measurements, and a near-total absence of documentation about who designed either one.

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By the time West Virginia launched its first official investigation in 1938, more than 2,400 patients had died at the site. Their causes of death were recorded as natural in nearly every case. The deceased were buried in unmarked graves in a field behind the east wing. The field was later paved over to create a parking lot.

When workers removed the parking lot in 1994, what they found beneath it challenged everything the state had told the public about that building for a century. The standard historical account of the asylum states that the Virginia General Assembly authorized construction in 1858, with architect Richard Andrews following the design philosophy of Thomas Story Kirkbride, a Philadelphia physician who believed the physical structure of a building could treat mental illness. Construction stalled due to the Civil War, with both Union and Confederate forces occupying the building at different times. The first patients arrived in 1864 even though the structure was incomplete.

Physical evidence tells a different story. The foundation stones extend 22 feet below ground level, in terrain that required moving hundreds of tons of material before a single visible stone was placed. The visible building rises four stories, with five in the central tower. Walls measure 6 feet thick at the base, engineered to bear loads far exceeding any patient population requirements.

Structural engineers who examined the building noted its load-bearing capacity was designed for something much heavier than humans and standard Victorian-era furniture. Interior columns are spaced to support machinery, heavy machinery of a type not common in rural West Virginia in the 1860s. Ceiling heights in the lower wards range from 14 to 18 feet, deviating from Kirkbride’s actual plans, which call for 11 to 12 feet in therapeutic wards. Main interior doorways measure 10 to 12 feet tall, while patient rooms, designed for one person per room, have doors 9 feet high.

The Kirkbride model emphasized normal domestic proportions to make patients feel calm and at home. Edna Barbour, a Lewis County archivist from 1947 to 1971, spent three years in the 1960s cataloging the physical dimensions of the main building. In cautious but unambiguous language, she noted the building’s dimensions did not match any Kirkbride-era construction she could find for comparison. She listed seven other buildings with identical internal proportions, five in Europe, one in Saint Petersburg, Russia, and one in Chicago.

The Saint Petersburg building, dated to the era of Peter the Great, who died in 1725, matches the asylum’s internal dimensions, corridor widths, ceiling heights, and door proportions. Its construction date allegedly predates the West Virginia building by over a century. Barbour wrote that primary sources say one thing while the stone says another, and she had learned to trust the stone. A 2015 structural assessment report, owned by private property owners, noted at page 31 that foundation depths exceeded what pre-assessment records indicated.

Records suggested 12 to 15 feet, but samples showed foundations extending past 22 feet. At 22 feet, the material changed type. Above that point, the blue sandstone matched documented mid-19th-century quarrying. Below it, the same blue sandstone from the same quarry showed different weathering, different tool marks, and signs consistent with manual labor using implements the structural archaeologist could not precisely identify, applying greater force per stroke than a standard quarryman’s pick or chisel would produce.

The report recommended structural reinforcement for the east wing, but did not pursue the foundation anomaly further. The county approved the reinforcement work, and the foundation anomaly was covered with new concrete. No one has pursued the matter in an official capacity since. Tartary appears on European cartographers’ maps from the 16th through early 19th centuries, not as a mythical region but as a classified geographical and political entity with defined borders, notable cities, and an administrative structure.

The 1771 Encyclopaedia Britannica contains an entry for Great Tartary, describing it as the largest empire in the world. By the mid-19th century, Tartary disappeared from maps, without conquest or documented collapse. No treaties, no military campaign records, no equivalent of the fall of Rome. It simply stopped appearing on maps.

The regions it occupied were renamed. What did not stop appearing was the architecture. Across the geographic range where Tartary was marked, there exist massive buildings with 12-foot interior doors, 18-foot ceilings, and foundation depths exceeding any logical structural requirement. Buildings attributed to local rulers with dates that do not withstand scrutiny.

Jeremy Fitzwilliam, an independent researcher, spent 11 years cataloging and photographing buildings with abnormal internal dimensions, documenting 340 structures in 28 countries. The distribution pattern is not random, clustering along what were known in the early 19th century as the administrative and commercial routes of Tartary. The asylum sits on the western edge of the Appalachian range, less than 80 miles east of the Ohio River, a major inland waterway during the period when those buildings were constructed. Many similar structures line the Ohio River and its tributaries, courthouses, government offices, asylums, train stations with the same abnormal dimensions and impossible foundation depths.

The Chicago building on Barbour’s list was demolished in 1897, the same year Chicago completed a major urban renewal project that removed over 40 pre-fire structures from before the Great Chicago Fire of 1871. Those buildings were replaced with structures of normal human scale. In 1922, 29-year-old physician Harlan Good arrived at the asylum, fresh from Virginia Medical College, hired to assist what internal correspondence described as an ongoing research program. His salary was far higher than standard institutional rates.

Good kept a diary from his first week until late 1923, when entries stop abruptly without explanation. His granddaughter Patricia Sims found it in a Charleston storage unit in 2011 and donated it to the West Virginia State Archives in 2013. Graduate student Marcus Elkins found it in 2019 while researching institutional psychiatric history in Appalachia. In his third week, Good described a lower cellar, a second level beneath the official basement.

It is not in any government record, nor does it appear in any architectural survey. He accessed it through a door in the northeast corner of the lowest visible level, descending 30 to 35 steps into a corridor running north to south along the building’s main axis, with a ceiling about 20 feet high. The walls were built of the same blue sandstone as the exterior but appeared older, as an existing structure upon which the visible building had been placed. He described 12-foot-high doors along the corridor and sounds that were rhythmic, deep below comfortable hearing, felt in the chest more than heard by the ear.

He wrote he had not been authorized to open those doors. In late October 1922, Whitemore informed Good that the cellar corridor predated the visible structure, that it was discovered during initial foundation excavations in the early 1860s, and that the decision was made at an administrative level to build the asylum over and around the existing structure rather than demolish it. The program had been running since 1908, officially classified as the nutritional research program, subgroup C, authorized by the state board of health and funded through the asylum’s annual budget under the category of food service infrastructure. It was a monitoring program.

Something lived in the lower cellar. It was being fed and observed. Food records from 1908 to 1929 are incomplete, but surviving records show the institution ordered food in quantities far exceeding the documented patient population, sometimes indicating 30 to 40% more residents than documented. Official explanation cited spoilage and poor record keeping.

The program required fresh beef liver in quantities averaging 80 to 120 pounds per delivery, twice weekly, delivered within 24 hours of slaughter from a farm in Upshur County, whose owner is identified only by initials. Good’s estimate was that he was dealing with something weighing between 600 and 900 pounds. On November 14, 1922, Good recorded Whitemore taking him down to the cellar. The corridor was about 200 feet long with a 20-foot ceiling.

The floor was packed earth, smooth from heavy use. The walls had no mortar, dry-stacked stone with geometric marks that were not writing or symbols he could recognize. Air was warmer than upper levels, with a rich, organic, alive smell. They walked the full corridor before stopping at the third door on the left, a heavy wooden door bound with iron, closed with iron bars.

Whitemore removed the bars, asked Good to step back, not make sudden movements, breathe normally, and opened the door. Good did not immediately describe what he saw. For two full pages, he described what he felt, the heat, the rising smell, the deep rhythmic sound now clearer. The space was large, about 60 feet in diameter, with a 30-foot-high ceiling that curved into a dome.

In the center was a massive entity, breathing, aware of their presence, but not moving, not appearing disturbed. Whitemore closed the door, replaced the bars, and walked back down the corridor without speaking. At the bottom of the stairs, he told Good it had been there before the building was built, and they believed it had been there before the land had a name. He said their task was to make sure it remained comfortable, remained here, and did not go looking for what it wanted elsewhere.

When asked what it wanted, Whitemore said it wanted them, everyone above, and their job was to give it enough of what it wanted so it did not come to take the rest. The entire building’s unusual architecture, the 6-foot walls, the 22-foot foundations, the 14- and 18-foot ceilings, the 9- and 12-foot doors, were not grandeur, not Kirkbride’s therapeutic philosophy, but containment. The building was not built for the patients; the patients were cover. An institution requiring mass food procurement, regular deliveries of large quantities of protein, a permanent resident staff, and a legal framework justifying it all as licensed state care was a perfect cover.

The asylum had a working farm and patient labor programs, self-sufficient like any Kirkbride institution of the era, except for the liver. The 80 to 120 pounds of fresh beef liver twice weekly was the only supply line that could not be justified as patient care. The 1938 investigation was not driven by patient abuse, though that was severe and documented. It was driven by the food budget.

State auditor Raymond Clarkson noticed the asylum’s food purchasing budget was about 35% higher than comparable institutions of equal size. An investigation opened and concluded in April 1939 that the variance was due to historical administrative irregularities since corrected. Clarkson did not sign the final report. His name appears in opening documents and initial audit findings, then vanishes.

He resigned from government service in November 1938, four months before the report’s conclusion, with no record of his reason. He moved to Ohio and died in 1967. The northeast wing, containing the cellar corridor access, is longer, thicker-walled, and has higher ceiling heights than its counterpart. It sits directly over the longitudinal axis of the cellar corridor.

It was not designed for the patients who later occupied it, but as a surface structure over whatever infrastructure existed below. The diary ends in late 1923. Good did not leave the asylum then, working there until 1928, when his name vanishes from payroll and administrative documents after June of that year. His granddaughter was told he died young of a lung condition, without specific details, without a death certificate.

Elkins could not find one in West Virginia or neighboring states. In August 1929, patients in the ward next to the cellar began displaying collective, coordinated behavior described as unusual. Fourteen patients, all in the lowest functioning classification, were found at 3:00 AM trying to open the northeast cellar entrance, the same door Good described. They were returned to their ward without incident, and the cellar entrance was later sealed with additional devices.

Two of the fourteen died within the following week, their deaths recorded as natural. Twelve were transferred to other institutions across the state, but when Elkins contacted three of those institutions, none had records of receiving the patients. Twelve people were transferred to facilities with no record of their arrival. In September 1929, the underground cellar entrance was permanently closed.

The cellar door was removed, a brick wall was built over the frame, and plaster was applied. The work was not done by institutional maintenance staff but by workers brought from Clarksburg, identified in payment records only as private contractor. They were paid for three days of work but finished in two, no record of any of them returning to the institution. The asylum officially closed in 1994.

A federal court ordered the state to reduce patient numbers and improve conditions in 1991. By 1994, remaining patients were transferred, staff dispersed, and the building was empty for the first time in 130 years. The parking lot project began that same year. In the third day of work, equipment broke through something beneath the field, not a grave but a void.

Ground-penetrating equipment struck the roof of an underground space about 15 feet deep. The contractor stopped and reported to the county. The state was informed, and a structural engineer was called. The engineer, Douglas Fell, found an extension of the same construction Good described in 1922, the same dry-stacked blue sandstone, the same dimensional irregularities.

A corridor, or remnants of one, extended from somewhere beneath the east wing of the main building, heading south under the burial field for an unspecified distance before the excavation broke through. A report prepared after two weeks of evaluation, available through a Freedom of Information request by journalist Andrea Moss in 2003, described the space as an unusual historical feature of unknown origin. Further study was recommended pending the building’s transfer to private ownership. The building was purchased by a private preservation group in 2007 and turned into a tourist destination.

Ghost tours, overnight experiences, and historic preservation events make the asylum one of West Virginia’s top dark tourism destinations. Tens of thousands of people walk through it every year. The field was paved in 1997. The 1994 void was filled with concrete before paving began, during a single weekend, with no images of the space’s interior.

The specific contractor who did the fill was not named in any county record that Moss could obtain. Fell told Moss in 2004 that he was not comfortable with the decision to backfill. The space showed signs of extending further than the excavation revealed, and that backfilling without full exploration was, in his professional opinion, premature. He said the walls he examined in the 1994 gap matched the lower floors of the main building, not just in style but in actual stone.

Fell stated he brought up the marks with the state representative present during the evaluation, who told him not to mention them in the report. He did not mention them until he spoke to Moss, ten years later, because he had been thinking about them ever since. He had encountered the same marks elsewhere during that decade, in a photograph of an administrative building in Saint Petersburg, Russia, held in the Library of Congress digital archive. Moss included the photograph in an article published in a small monthly West Virginia magazine in 2006.

The article received little attention. The magazine closed in 2010. Whitemore’s briefing, the architectural anomalies, the food budget, the 1929 incident, the 1994 discovery, and the distribution of similar structures along the routes of a disappeared geopolitical entity point to a pattern. The asylum was not an exception but a case within a broader pattern, one node in a network managed, maintained, and hidden across multiple continents and generations of institutional cover, under a chain of knowledge whose origin was not the 1858 Virginia General Assembly.

Whitemore said that what lived in that cellar was there before the land had a name, before European settlers, before displacement of indigenous nations, before geological surveys, before the colonial era, before any written history of the lands that are now West Virginia. Something was breathing, waiting, consuming what proximity provided, and the people who encountered it in each new period of institutional development made the same calculations every time. At the bottom of an archive box labeled administrative correspondence 1900-1935, miscellaneous, within the same collection where Elkins found the Good diary, there is a single sheet of paper without letterhead, date, or signature. Typewritten in a font consistent with early 1920s production, the document is 14 lines long.

It is an inventory list.